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COP15


The benefits of a hybrid

 

Compared to 2013, the world in 1990 was a simpler place to design a global climate change regime. Countries were either part of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) or not. This divide was reflected in the two primary groups of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC): Annex 1 for developed countries and Non-Annex 1 for developing countries. These annexes reflect the different types of commitments for reducing greenhouse gas emissions by developed countries and how they are meant to support developing countries to act.

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Peru and Venezuela compete to host COP20 in 2014

 

Next year a Latin American and the Caribbean country will host the annual UN climate change negotiations or ‘COP20’ of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Rumours are circulating that Peru and Venezuela are interested in hosting COP20. As the 2015 deadline to create a new global climate change treaty looms closer, Peru appears to be the stronger candidate.

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Venezuela’s Chief Negotiator Claudia Salerno at COP18

 
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Ministerial Meeting “Implementing the Cancun Agreements” Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, Minister of International Relations and Cooperation (South Africa)

 
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“A Collective Commitment”? Nailing down Climate Finance in Cancun and Durban

 

By Timmons Roberts & Martin Stadelmann*

This article was originally posted on OUTREACH

The surprisingly positive conclusion at Cancun was as much about the process as the substance of the two key texts that are now in place to advance the negotiations over the next year leading to Durban.   There were standing ovations at the transparent and inclusive process that brought the year of negotiations to a close, putting some of the bad feelings of Copenhagen behind us.

However on the crucial details of climate finance, we are scarcely any further along, apart from some progress in establishing initial institutions for the new Green Climate Fund and enhancing transparency. In spite of many concerns expressed throughout the year, deeply problematic language was copied verbatim into the Cancun Agreements from the Copenhagen Accord text.  An opportunity was lost to clarify what has been agreed in Copenhagen.

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Media and Climate Change: Implications for Latin America

 

James Painter, Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, University of Oxford, discusses the report, Summoned by Science, which argues that climate change and other issues such as biodiversity need to be brought out of the ‘environmental ghetto’ into the mainstream media. By linking climate change with topics such as health and the economy, journalists can potentially increase the salience of an issue, which despite its importance for global leaders, continues to punch below its weight in the global media and particularly in Latin America.

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President Morales tells world leaders not to forget the people

 

 

By Adam Kotin, Emily Kirkland and Guy Edwards, Brown University

Following the release of two new negotiating texts yesterday, today’s high-level segment is set to chart a course for the next 36 hours of high-octane negotiations. COP16 President Patricia Espinosa said that she is optimism for a productive outcome but nothing is guaranteed at this delicate stage.

During the conference numerous experts have reminded us that reaching an agreement is an extremely difficult task. However, many have consistently stated that sufficient political will could break the impasse. Bolivian President Evo Morales, whose position has been under fire for his consistent critic of developed countries’ feet dragging and climate debt, gave an impassioned speech on why the international community must make history in Cancun. Here we capture some of his remarks given earlier this morning:

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Key issues for the Latin American climate change debate in 2010

 

The climate change debate in Latin America has thus far proved to be an elitist topic laid to rest on the periphery of political coconsciousness. In the run up to the UN climate change conference to be held this December in Mexico it is critical that the Latin American climate change debate rapidly becomes more democratic.

A number of surveys carried out demonstrate the high level of concern Latin American citizens feel for this issue. Opening up greater political space to accommodate the opinions, beliefs and ideas of these actors is urgently required.

Those in government and in the media should attempt to support greater involvement by Latin American citizens to uncover innovative and equitable solutions at the grass-roots to tackle climate change. This process in turn can add legitimacy and substance to policy-making led by government and inter-regional organisations working on climate change, particularly at international conferences.

The following concerns presented at the Copenhagen talks by the Latin American Platform on Climate succinctly outline some of the defining issues of the climate change debate in Latin America:

• Low levels of diffusion of information
• Necessity of raising awareness
• Low interest from politicians
• There are no regional voices

Other developments to be charted include the following key areas:

• Regional climate change strategies versus lone-ranger national policy-making
• The interaction between domestic and international climate change policies
• The growth of organisations and businesses in Latin America working on global warming and developing low carbon solutions.
• Latin America as a global leader on climate change and its implications for sustainable development worldwide.

Cop-out in Copenhagen leaves climate change treaty to languish until 2010

 

The UNFCCC Climate Change Conference held in Copenhagen was billed as a high-profile, ambitious and extremely tough set of negotiations to carve out a new climate change treaty. It succeeded in being a colossal, but at times almost farcical event, where the entrenched and archaic negotiating positions of a number of countries led to its downfall. In the end the conference parties had little choice but to pay lip service to a Copenhagen Accord squeezed out of the dregs of the talks by a select group of countries including China, India, South Africa, Brazil and the US.

The UK sustainable development organisation, E3G, summaries what the Copenhagen Accord fails to include:

No commitment to medium term emission goals to drive significant action such as peaking by 2020 or halving global emissions by 2050. No operational reference to a 2°C or lower goal.

No agreement on specific emission reduction commitments – these are delayed until February 2010 and may be far away from a 2°C trajectory even in the short term. The EU has announced it will not move to 30% based on this deal, implying that global emissions will be far from a 2°C compatible pathway in 2020.

No deadline to complete a legally binding instrument or instruments to lock in progress made during two years’ of negotiations on issues such as technology and forestry

No requirement to review whether the agreement is consistent with the latest science: the Parties “call for” rather than committing that they “will review”

No commitment to a compliance mechanism on US targets that would ensure comparability with other developed countries under the Kyoto Protocol

No reliable public finance commitment for 2015 and weak ambition for 2020. No commitment that long term public finance for developing countries will be additional to aid for poverty reduction, leaving the door open for diversion of funds from other development objectives

No clarity on closing of loopholes for surplus “hot air” credits or for emissions from land use change and international shipping and aviation. This could radically reduce the already weak mitigation pledges and leave a gap larger than the entire first Kyoto commitment period

Here is a round-up of quotes from leading politicians and thinkers on climate change in the aftermath of the talks and where Latin America fits into sticky situation. The quotes demonstrate not only the complexity of negotiating climate change treaties but the tug of war context in which they exist.

US President Barack Obama described negotiations as “extremely difficult and complex”, but said they had laid “the foundation for international action in the years to come”.

European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso said “I will not hide my disappointment,” and that the deal was “clearly below” the European Union’s goal.

“We have a big job ahead to avoid climate change through effective emissions reduction targets, and this was not done here,” said Brazil’s climate change ambassador, Sergio Serra.

Venezuelan delegate Claudia Salerno Caldera said the deal was a “coup d’etat against the authority of the United Nations”.

“The deal is a triumph of spin over substance. It kicks back the big decisions on emissions cuts and fudges the issue of climate cash,” said Jeremy Hobbs, executive director of Oxfam International.

“Global Leaders came to Copenhagen carrying the expectations of their populations but have failed to deliver a real solution. The political agreement struck at Copenhagen falls short in so many areas that it cannot form a reliable basis for limiting temperature rise to below 2°C. Leaders must stop presenting this as progress and realise that their citizens expect real action not greenwash.” commented Nick Mabey, Chief Executive of E3G.

“I am deeply disappointed with the Copenhagen Accord. Finance was the neglected half of the deal-making, because the injustice of climate change cannot be separated from the unmet development needs of most of the world’s population. So in the end we got an inadequate deal, but it was a realist’s deal that may lead to some forward progress.” Professor J. Timmons Roberts, Director of the Centre for Environmental Studies, Brown University and co-author of A Climate of Injustice: Global Inequality, North-South Politics, and Climate Policy (2007, MIT Press).

“Latin America is a powerful microcosm of the contrasting interests which pervade throughout the climate negotiations: there are many small countries that are highly vulnerable and need adaptation support, we have major emitting countries which argue that the differentiation between industrialized and developing countries must be maintained. We also have a group of ideologically driven countries who demand retribution for centuries of “ecological debt”. Thus Latin America cannot act as an integrated region in the climate negotiations. The global challenge is to weave a wide diversity of interests – some diametrically opposed to each other – into a basket of possibilities to begin to mitigate and adapt to climate change.” Christiana Figueres, is an independent consultant on climate change and international environmental policy and has been closely involved with the UNFCCC as an official negotiator since 1995.

“While not everything is lost, much will need to happen to make a treaty viable covering all major areas, and to create a solid and useful position for a meaningful Latin America participation within it. Colombia, Peru, Costa Rica and many other low emission countries acted jointly there to achieve a sensible deal. Nevertheless, more needs to be done to have a progressive coalition and move others forwards towards it – while containing those countries, in the region and elsewhere that chose to stall the COP process. These countries frequently raised procedural issues to delay advances. The role of the major Asian economies -particularly China- in advancing a positive global deal is also yet to be seen. Brazil played on its own, while Mexico tried its best, but it is out of the G77. With Mexico hosting COP 16, a sensible deal is still possible, but new approaches will be required. The starting point is not as high as it should be.” Jose Alberto Garibaldi, Energeia Research Network, who has followed the negotiations for more than a decade, and is the author of the The Economics of Boldness which was launched at the Copenhagen Conference.

Costa Rica – High Level Segment – COP15

 
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